BAGHDAD -- U.N. special envoy Lakhdar Brahimi said he was confronted with "terrible pressure" in forming Iraq's interim government that kept him from seating his preferred candidates for president and prime minister.
Brahimi, who was asked by the White House to sort out Iraq's political transition, had wanted to appoint a politically independent Shiite nuclear scientist as prime minister and an elderly Sunni diplomat as president. But both men withdrew their names after encountering stiff opposition from the members of the former Governing Council.
Speaking a day after he unveiled his final appointments, Brahimi offered a muted endorsement of the interim government, which is headed by a president who is a middle-aged tribal sheik and a prime minister who is an opposition politician long backed by the CIA.
"I believe this government is the best that we can reach right now," Brahimi said at a news conference.
Brahimi did not specify the causes of the pressure he faced, but he hinted that it involved the Governing Council and the U.S. occupation authority. "The whole slate is a compromise between the main actors, the Governing Council, a lot of Iraqis and the Americans," he said.
He suggested that the occupation authority, particularly U.S. administrator Paul Bremer, wielded significant influence over the process. "I sometimes say -- I'm sure he doesn't mind me saying that -- that Bremer is the dictator of Iraq," Brahimi said. "He has the money. He has the signature. Nothing happens without his agreement in this country."
At the United Nations, key Security Council members said Wednesday that they still were not satisfied with a revised resolution on Iraq and want more changes and ideas from Brahimi and Baghdad's interim leaders.
Russia and Germany added their concerns to those expressed earlier by China, France, Algeria and Chile.
The United States and Britain circulated the revised blueprint Tuesday on the end of their occupation and hand over sovereignty to an interim Iraqi government June 30, addressing two issues raised by council members. It would give the new government control of the Iraqi army and police, and would end the mandate for a multinational force by January 2006.
While many council members welcomed the improvements in the resolution, it was clear that Washington and London would have to make further changes to get approval of all 15 council nations.
U.S. officials in Baghdad have denied that the occupation authority exerted pressure or sought to promote certain candidates over others. But Iraqis involved in the process disagreed, saying that Bremer and White House envoy Robert Blackwill backed Iyad Allawi for prime minister over other candidates because Allawi was regarded as more sympathetic to the U.S. requirement of maintaining full control over troops.
In one notable instance, reported American pressure did not achieve the intended outcome. Brahimi and U.S. officials had wanted to appoint Adnan Pachachi to the presidency, a largely ceremonial position, but Governing Council member Ghazi Mashal al-Yawer also sought the post. Although Brahimi reasoned that Pachachi had more national appeal -- and the U.S. officials deemed him more supportive of American policies -- Al-Yawer had the backing of most council members.
Brahimi, in a subsequent interview, compared the new government to a glass of water "that one may choose to look at as half-full or half-empty."
Among U.N. officials, diplomats and political analysts in Baghdad, there are significant concerns about Allawi and Al-Yawer.
Because of his political party's association with the CIA and his former membership in the Baath party, Allawi is regarded by some Iraqis as too close to the United States and by others as too sympathetic to people who served in Saddam Hussein's government.
"Either way," one official involved in the process said, "it raises questions about his popular support."
Al-Yawer has little government experience beyond a 10-month term on the Governing Council. Prior to that, he had been a businessman in Saudi Arabia. "Ghazi is a nice man, but does he have the experience for the job?" the official said.
Brahimi appealed to Iraqis to "give this government a chance."
"There is a lot of talent in the Cabinet," he said. He justified his decision to include politicians in the Cabinet, despite his earlier intent to limit the administration to technocrats, saying that "the best way to build support is to have a government which is as inclusive as possible, and inclusion means also political actors."
He also criticized the U.S. strategy of relying on force to combat the insurgency, suggesting that a political dialogue needs to be broached with some opponents of the occupation. "I think it's a little bit too easy to call everybody a terrorist," he said. "I think if you find out that there are people who are not terrorists, who are respectable, genuine Iraqi patriots, you must find a way of talking to them."
The first day of the interim government's stewardship was low-key. Neither Allawi nor any of his 32 ministers made public appearances. Some of the ministers had still not appeared at their offices by midday.
Associated Press.
Brahimi, who was asked by the White House to sort out Iraq's political transition, had wanted to appoint a politically independent Shiite nuclear scientist as prime minister and an elderly Sunni diplomat as president. But both men withdrew their names after encountering stiff opposition from the members of the former Governing Council.
Speaking a day after he unveiled his final appointments, Brahimi offered a muted endorsement of the interim government, which is headed by a president who is a middle-aged tribal sheik and a prime minister who is an opposition politician long backed by the CIA.
"I believe this government is the best that we can reach right now," Brahimi said at a news conference.
Brahimi did not specify the causes of the pressure he faced, but he hinted that it involved the Governing Council and the U.S. occupation authority. "The whole slate is a compromise between the main actors, the Governing Council, a lot of Iraqis and the Americans," he said.
He suggested that the occupation authority, particularly U.S. administrator Paul Bremer, wielded significant influence over the process. "I sometimes say -- I'm sure he doesn't mind me saying that -- that Bremer is the dictator of Iraq," Brahimi said. "He has the money. He has the signature. Nothing happens without his agreement in this country."
At the United Nations, key Security Council members said Wednesday that they still were not satisfied with a revised resolution on Iraq and want more changes and ideas from Brahimi and Baghdad's interim leaders.
Russia and Germany added their concerns to those expressed earlier by China, France, Algeria and Chile.
The United States and Britain circulated the revised blueprint Tuesday on the end of their occupation and hand over sovereignty to an interim Iraqi government June 30, addressing two issues raised by council members. It would give the new government control of the Iraqi army and police, and would end the mandate for a multinational force by January 2006.
While many council members welcomed the improvements in the resolution, it was clear that Washington and London would have to make further changes to get approval of all 15 council nations.
U.S. officials in Baghdad have denied that the occupation authority exerted pressure or sought to promote certain candidates over others. But Iraqis involved in the process disagreed, saying that Bremer and White House envoy Robert Blackwill backed Iyad Allawi for prime minister over other candidates because Allawi was regarded as more sympathetic to the U.S. requirement of maintaining full control over troops.
In one notable instance, reported American pressure did not achieve the intended outcome. Brahimi and U.S. officials had wanted to appoint Adnan Pachachi to the presidency, a largely ceremonial position, but Governing Council member Ghazi Mashal al-Yawer also sought the post. Although Brahimi reasoned that Pachachi had more national appeal -- and the U.S. officials deemed him more supportive of American policies -- Al-Yawer had the backing of most council members.
Brahimi, in a subsequent interview, compared the new government to a glass of water "that one may choose to look at as half-full or half-empty."
Among U.N. officials, diplomats and political analysts in Baghdad, there are significant concerns about Allawi and Al-Yawer.
Because of his political party's association with the CIA and his former membership in the Baath party, Allawi is regarded by some Iraqis as too close to the United States and by others as too sympathetic to people who served in Saddam Hussein's government.
"Either way," one official involved in the process said, "it raises questions about his popular support."
Al-Yawer has little government experience beyond a 10-month term on the Governing Council. Prior to that, he had been a businessman in Saudi Arabia. "Ghazi is a nice man, but does he have the experience for the job?" the official said.
Brahimi appealed to Iraqis to "give this government a chance."
"There is a lot of talent in the Cabinet," he said. He justified his decision to include politicians in the Cabinet, despite his earlier intent to limit the administration to technocrats, saying that "the best way to build support is to have a government which is as inclusive as possible, and inclusion means also political actors."
He also criticized the U.S. strategy of relying on force to combat the insurgency, suggesting that a political dialogue needs to be broached with some opponents of the occupation. "I think it's a little bit too easy to call everybody a terrorist," he said. "I think if you find out that there are people who are not terrorists, who are respectable, genuine Iraqi patriots, you must find a way of talking to them."
The first day of the interim government's stewardship was low-key. Neither Allawi nor any of his 32 ministers made public appearances. Some of the ministers had still not appeared at their offices by midday.
Associated Press.
